Wheat gave the most nutritious and palatable bread; barley and oats could be made into an inferior bread, or could be malted and brewed into ale, or, like the peas and beans, be boiled for pottage; oats and beans could also be fed to animals. The cultivators had to be careful to combine their arable with grassland and wood. The best way of maintaining the quality of the soil – or even of creating a decent seedbed in the case of the heavier clay soils – was to keep a good proportion of land as grass or hay meadow, so that animals could be fed and their manure used to spread on the fields. Sheep were especially efficient sources of fertilizer, because they could be fed on pasture land in the day, and penned at night on the land on which crops were to be sown. Not only would they deposit their manure, but their small sharp hoofs would tread the droppings into the surface. Animals were themselves an important source of food – medieval people lived not by bread and pottage alone – and their muscle power was essential for ploughing and hauling.
İskoç ve Slav İsim Geleneğindeki Değişim
The early generations exhibit indisputably regional names. Duncan, Malcolm and Donald, for example, are names that would be found nowhere in Europe in the eleventh century except in Scotland. Similarly, Niklot, Pribislaw and Wartislaw mark out their bearers unequivocally as Slavs.
…both these dynasties a point is reached, in the late eleventh century in the Scottish case, a hundred years later in that of Mecklenburg, when a major transformation occurs in nomenclature. The Scots go through a brief Anglo-Saxon paroxysm and then settle down to a very syncretistic pattern, in which Gaelic names are unusual. In the fifth generation after Duncan I only two of a total of twelve names are Gaelic (and the only male example is in a dissident and excluded branch).
Part of the change, both in Scotland and in Mecklenburg, is simple cultural emulation of a powerful neighbour. Scots called themselves William and Henry, the names of the Norman kings of England; the Slavs adopted Henry and Hedwig, the names of important German rulers and saints. Since these Norman and German traditions of the name Henry had themselves a common origin in the naming habits of the late Carolingian aristocracy, one can again see, in this small example, the impact of the Carolingian cultural sphere on lands and families on its fringes, slowly drawing them, even in their names, into its orbit of influence.
Feodalizm Terimlerinin Avrupa’ya Yayılışı
Along with fiefs came the language of feudalism. The vocabulary of all the peoples on the peripheries of Frankish Europe is marked by loan words, often originally from the French, describing the equipment and habits of the immigrant mounted warriors who settled in the eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The Hungarian words for ‘helmet’, ‘armour’, ‘castle’, ‘tower’, ‘tournament’, ‘duke’, ‘fief’ and ‘marshal’ are all loan words from German, several of them, like ‘tournament’, having been in turn borrowed by German from French. The Germanic word ‘rider’ (modern German Ritter, ‘knight’) was used in medieval Ireland (ritire) and Bohemia (rytiry) for a knight. The Polish and Czech words for fief are direct borrowings from the German Lehen. In southern Italy the Normans made the word ‘fief’, which had been a rarity, common currency. New arrivals brought new terms, reflecting different concepts of social and legal relationships.
Erken Ortaçağ Piskoposluk Yapısı
Quite different in kind were the bishoprics established as Christianity spread, in the fifth, sixth and seventh centuries, into the non-Roman or post-Roman world. Early medieval Ireland and England were not significantly urban and hence a new kind of bishopric was required, one that was not city-based, indeed, one that might be without a fixed seat, adapted to the needs of a people (gens) or, in Ireland, a monastic congregation. The early Anglo-Saxon bishoprics thus tended to shift with the varying political patterns and to take their titles from an ethnic group or a region rather than a city. Hence we find ‘bishops of the West Saxons’ before there were ‘bishops of Winchester’, ‘bishops of the Hwicce’ before ‘bishops of Worcester’. In this way the institution of the episcopate adapted itself to social conditions very different from those of its birth. Indeed, one of the main features of the ecclesiastical history of the British Isles in the eleventh and twelfth centuries was the re-establishment of the territorial, city-based episcopacy that had come to be the Latin model or norm in place of this early medieval non-urban model.
İngilizlerin Norman İsimlerini Benimsemesi
Names are, of course, among the most malleable elements of linguistic culture, offering, as they do, the repeated chance of choice; and soon, it seems, the English population of England chose to adopt the names of their conquerors. The kinds of pressure at work are shown by the story of one young boy, born in the area of Whitby around 1110, whose parents initially christened him Tostig but, ‘when his youthful companions mocked the name’, changed it to the respectably Norman William. This process began among the higher clergy and townsmen.
Norman Atlı Savaş Kültürü ve İngilizler
Certainly the English had horses and bred them. We hear on occasions of the Vikings taking English horses for their own use during their campaigns. But the Vikings used them as the English did, not for battle. The Normans needed their own specially bred horses, such as they took with them to Sicily, such as they transported across the Channel in 1066. The young Norman warrior learned to fight from horseback as a noble pursuit. The idea of a mounted élite was already forming in Norman and northern French minds in a way that was yet to happen in England. The heroes of English poetry were warriors who fought on foot. The warfare of Normandy, like most of north-western continental Europe, relied heavily on development from the Frankish Carolingian Empire. Fortified strongholds or castles, and warriors trained to fight on horseback had developed over a century or so.
Süvari Birliklerine Bakış Açısı
Cavalry, with its capacity to ride off to safety, was not an admired kind of troop. A telling phrase in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle relates to the flight of the English under Earl Ralph at Hereford in 1055, ‘because they were on horseback’. In the poem of the battle of Maldon, Byrhtnoth told his men each to let go of his horse, ‘to drive it far off and to march forwards’. This attitude lasted well into the age of cavalry, when it could often be a mark of courage to abandon the horse and its promise of escape, and to stand alongside your men.
Savaş Alanında Balta Kullanımı
The axe was a fearsome and devastating weapon, but not easily wielded and less flexible than a sword. An axeman required a good deal of space around him in order to be effective, and this could leave the line vulnerable to charging cavalry. It must also have been a particularly tiring weapon to wield through a long day of battle. Nevertheless, it was favoured by some of the English.
Henry Lancaster’ın Karmaşık Taht İddiası
“In the name of the Father, Son and Holy Ghost, I, Henry of Lancaster, challenge this realm of England, and the crown with all the members and appurtenances, as I that am descended by right line of the blood coming from the good lord King Henry the third, and through that right that God of his grace has sent me, with help of my kin and of my friends, to recover it; the which realm was in point to be undone for default of governance and undoing of the good laws.” In one way, it was plain speaking: unadorned English, intended to reach the ears of all the people of England, and noted in full within the clerical Latin and French of the official record. In another way, it was not plain at all. Was he claiming the throne by blood? Or by conquest? Or by the acclamation of the people? The last could not stand, since it would imply that his sovereignty somehow derived from the people, rather than directly from God. Nor could a claim by conquest, which might mean that he was free to rewrite England’s existing laws at will, rather than protect and uphold them. And blood had its own complications. Henry, through his father, Gaunt, was Richard’s nearest heir in the male line. But if the female line were counted, the superior claim belonged to Edmund Mortimer, the seven-year-old earl of March, great-grandson of Lionel of Antwerp. Henry’s best option therefore rested in this delicately worded compound of all three, allusively cited in support of his role as an instrument of God’s will to save England from Richard’s misgovernment.
Richard 2 Neden Baba Olmadı?
He had been saved by the fact of being—as he had always known he was—irreplaceable. If he had had a child, everything might have been fatally different, just as it had been for his martyred great-grandfather Edward II, a king abandoned by his people and murdered, on the orders of his faithless wife, in the name of their son.